White people, regardless of class, could at most be supporters of these revolutionary struggles. Its essentials are:. There are of course struggles between different political forces within the third world countries themselves. Some people are revolutionaries who firmly stand for carrying through the national democratic revolution.
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Others are progressives and middle-of-the-roaders of various descriptions. A few are reactionaries. And there are even some agents of imperialism or social-imperialism. Such phenomena are inevitable so long as there are classes, so long as there is a proletariat, a peasantry and a petty bourgeoisie and a variegated bourgeoisie and landlord and other exploiting classes.
However, this complex situation does not affect the basic fact that the third world countries are the main force in the struggle against imperialism and Hegemonism. Peking Review 45, p. What does this neglect to point out? Most of the important points about this have been taken up in literature already published.
Yet this strategy has no place for the proletariat. It purports to be an analysis of different forces, and yet classes are never mentioned. One more interesting feature of this theory is its emphasis on hegemonism.
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Lenin showed long ago how this is a characteristic of all monopoly capitalists. It was only Kautsky, the revisionist, who saw imperialism as a policy, which could be adopted or not adopted, at the whim of the capitalists. Kautsky on the other hand gave the impression that peaceful reform could easily prevent the domination of other countries. Talk of fighting hegemonism just obscures this. What kind of alliance is it then? Clearly, it is a military bloc. All the talk of war and Soviet threat is nothing but an attempt to reshape the existing armed caps; it reflects a desire to create a third camp, with China as its leader.
Under present circumstances this camp is intended to include U. However it seems as though the main emphasis is on the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. It suggests that China has its own ambitions of becoming a superpower. But this whole bankrupt and counter-revolutionary theory is being put out as a strategy for revolution, and is a central point of unity for various groups and parties around the world who call themselves Marxist-Leninists.
Hew has this theory affected the revolutionary movements in practice? Here is an example. In September of , Hua Guofeng visited Iran, then in the midst revolutionary upheaval. He said:. Peking Review 36, Sept. Thus, by implication, the opposition is aiding the Soviet Union, the main danger.
The superpowers speculate on the unrest. The central role of imperialism, particularly U. His organization, the ANC, is the only mass organization of the Zimbabwean people.
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Its relations with the fascist junta governing Chile have been difficult for its defenders to justify and there were times a few years ago when we tried hard to do that too. Shortly after the fascist coup in which tens of thousands died, Zhou Enlai sent a message of condolence to the widow of Allende expressing sorrow at the death of the President, but passing over everything else in silence. When the U.
casarfimpmocar.tk Another example: in , when the U. Committee on Decolonisation was to vote on a resolution calling for the independence of Puerto Rico, China did not vote. They show that once you include the comprador bourgeoisie in the ranks of the people, as this theory does, you have to capitulate to imperialism. While some of the supporters of the theory may disagree with specific tactics in the example we have cited, the overall logic is inescapable.
A distinction must also be made between the international policy of the proletariat before and after it has taken power. The proletariat in power has to concern itself with all the responsibilities of maintaining socialist society and its security. It enters into state-to-state relationships with capitalist countries on the basis of peaceful coexistence.
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It develops trade relations with these countries. It also has means of taking advantages of contradictions among the enemy in international forums that are unavailable to the proletariat out of power. But a couple of points can be made. First is to re-emphasize that this is for the proletariat in power and does not put any restrictions on the struggle of the proletariat and oppressed people in the capitalist and dependent countries.
Such compromises on certain international issues between the United States, Britain and France and the Soviet Union can be the outcome only of resolute effective struggles by all the democratic forces of the world against the reactionary forces of the United States, Britain and France. Such compromise does not require the people in the countries of the capitalist world to follow suit and make compromises at home.
The people in those countries will continue to wage different struggles in accordance with their different conditions.
IV, p. The second point is that the working class in power must still put its peaceful coexistence into the framework of proletarian internationalism, support for the struggles of the working class and oppressed nations and peoples throughout the world. This latter is the fundamental principle of its foreign policy.
Political and trade relations are one thing, support for the pro-imperialist bourgeoisie against the masses of the people, still another. Growing unity in struggle has made it possible for the third world countries to broaden their anti-hegemonist struggle, wage it on a higher level and achieve more striking results. We hope to do a more detailed analysis of. It is clearly preferable for oil-exporting countries to be getting a fair price for their crude oil rather than simply be robbed by imperialism.
However, increasing oil prices has in no way changed the basic relation between these countries and imperialism.
They have succeeded in increasing their take, which is the ambition of all compradors everywhere. It remains to be seen whether they have increased their share of the take. Overwhelmingly, it has been invested in the same capitalist real estate, corporate stocks and bonds that it would have gone into if the investors were imperialists instead of comprador bourgeoisie. These investments have largely been in the imperialist nations rather than in their own countries.
Further, tremendous amounts were spent on arms purchases. They also served U. S imperialism by strengthening these regional outposts of U. And of that, only 52 billion was in loans at less than the current market rate. Hardly enough to offset the price increases and also nothing removed from sound capitalist business practice.
Such defeats would be against the interests of compradors. PCP M-L still defends that the national salvation government the country needs is a government including all sections of the national bourgeoisie, a unity government of the national bourgeoisie, comprising its three big democratic parties. Commenting on recent maneuvers in the April, issue of Octobre they wrote our translation :. The weak points that revealed themselves in the course of these maneuvers must be eliminated as rapidly as possible in the way of Plan Each rifle batallion of the army field corps must possess their own anti-tank company The anti-aircraft defense must be reinforced by a new combat plane They feel that this reliance on the bourgeoisie is very realistic.
Today, for Switzerland it is the bourgeoisie which decides the position of our country in the front against the two superpowers because it holds state power In the whole world it appears that the superpowers interfere especially where there are changes and movements to gain influence or gain control Apparently Upton Sinclair, the American Utopian socialist, had written a manifesto against war and insisting on rebellion. Blatchford of course disagreed, and Lenin paraphrased his response: Facts, friend Sinclair, are stubborn things, and the German danger is a fact. Neither we nor the German socialists have power enough to stop the war Sinclair exaggerates our powers tremendously.
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We are not united. In the time of the Second International, resolutions were passed swearing working class opposition to imperialist war, and the opportunists only showed their social-chauvinism openly when war actually broke out. Nowadays the social-chauvinists are declaring their loyalty to their own bourgeoisies in advance.